The Summary of the August 5-6 Roundtable: U.S.-ROK Strategic Communication

GWIKS Roundtable Summary: U.S.-China Strategic Rivalry and U.S.-ROK Alliance (August 5-6, 2021)

Executive Summary

The discussion, building off of the previous meeting in April, showed that while there was broad consensus on the challenges and threats posed by both China and North Korea, and the necessity of a strong U.S.-ROK Alliance amidst the changing geopolitical landscape, there were differing
views when exploring the particulars of issues such as security policy on the Korean peninsula and the wider region and what position South Korea should take in the U.S.-China Strategic Rivalry.

While there was broad agreement on key issues as in the April discussion, the American panelists differed on the specifics of such topics like the security policy in the Indo-Pacific, whether the deployment of land-based missiles in allied countries and even tactical nuclear weapons on the
Korean peninsula are suitable policies. Additionally, the shifting focus away from the Korean 2 peninsula to the Taiwan strait as the central area of tension in the evolving U.S.-China strategic rivalry was greatly discussed, particularly by the American experts.

The South Korean participants generally had questions regarding the particulars of U.S. security policy toward the Korean peninsula and East Asia. However, compared to the previous meeting, the South Korean side displayed more optimism regarding the U.S.-ROK Alliance and cooperation,
not only in defense but in pandemic response, climate change and energy. But some Korean participants expressed concern regarding these future variables and the contrast of China’s growing economic and military clot with relative U.S. stagnation. Particularly, some on the Korean side showed unease at the prospect of the U.S. leaving conventional defense to Seoul alone as other areas such as Taiwan take precedence. They also discussed the potentialities of the future as the Moon administration nears its end in addition to the upcoming U.S. political elections and the potential foreign policy changes it could initiate.

On facing the challenges and threats posed by North Korea, there was much debate and difference in opinion on the collective responses to both North Korean survival strategies and the bold peace offenses Pyongyang may pursue in achieving its aims. While both American and Korean sides
agreed that appropriate measures with North Korea — such as dialogue, engagement and sanctions relief for good behavior and sanctions for unacceptable behavior differences — are crucial, differences emerged between and among both sides regarding the looming presence of China on
issues related to the Korean peninsula. With the China variable in play, American and South Korean participants disagreed on what position Seoul should adopt, with a voice on the American arguing that Seoul’s strategic ambiguity will result in Korea becoming a geopolitical arena or even
a battlefield. Some on the Korean side cited Korea’s long relationship with China as evidence that Korea has the historical know how to deal with Chinese influence as in the past.

Overall, despite some disagreement on security policy in regard to China and the Korean peninsula, there was a positive outlook on the U.S.-ROK alliance, which has evolved from a North Korea focused Cold War security alliance to a modern comprehensive partnership cooperating in the fields of climate change, energy, public health, and technology and other wider regional issues. These areas are forming the key pillars of a forward-looking U.S.-ROK bilateral relationship.

Book Talk Series on Chosŏn Korea with Ksenia Chizhova

On April 22, 2021, the GW Institute for Korean Studies (GWIKS) hosted another Book Talk Series on Chosŏn Korea, Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea: Between Genealogical Time and the Domestic Everyday. The event was moderated by Professor Jisoo Kim, Director of GWIKS, and the speaker was Dr. Ksenia Chizhova, Assistant Professor of Korean Literature and Cultural Studies at Princeton University. In this presentation Dr. Chizhova introduced her first book Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea. The book is situated at the intersection of the history of emotions, family, and scriptural practices in Korea, from the late eighteenth to the twentieth century. This book talk contextualizes lineage novels and the domestic world in which they were read within the patrilineal transformation of the Chosŏn society and the emergence of elite vernacular Korean culture, patronage by elite women.

Dr. Chizhova started her presentation by narrating the first few sentences of her book. She further added that the rise of the lineage novel was due to the flashing out of Korean patrilineal kinship in the 17th century. She also shares more insights into the history of lineage novels, feelings and conflicts of kinship, and snippets from other kinship novels. Dr. Chizhova’s presentation was followed by the Q&A session. The moderator, Dr. Kim and the audience submitted a wide range of questions including, the usage of emotions and affect in the context of the kinship novels, placing of the Korean lineage novels on the early modern Chosŏn context, Dr. Chizhova’s reason for choosing kinship as the main theme of her research, novels on the lives of husbands and sons, etc.

Book Talk Series on Chosŏn Korea with Adam Bohnet

On May 4th, 2021, The George Washington University Institute for Korean Studies (GWIKS) hosted its final installment of the Choson Korea book talk series of the semester. The event was moderated by Jisoo Kim, Director of GWIKS. The book featured is entitled: “Beyond Civilized and Barbarians: Understanding the Settlement of Chinese Migrants in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Choson Korea” by Adam Bohnet, Associate Professor of History at King’s University at Western. 

Professor Kim began by introducing Professor Bohnet and his book, the first book in English that explores Choson Korea through the lens of foreigners. Professor Bohnet first described the main groups of foreigners in early Choson Korea. These groups were Jurchens and other northern peoples, Japanese and other maritime peoples, and Chinese and others who were employed as interpreters, legal specialists, medical experts. These foreigners were all given “Hyanghwain” status, which Professor Bohnet translates to “submitting foreigners.” This status means they were given tax breaks, land, Korean wives, and Korean last names. In return, they paid tribute. The reasoning for this status was the feeling by the Korean leadership that they were helping people who had come to live and learn in a morally right Confucian state. In late Choson Korea, the main foreigner groups were Jurchens, who could join the army or the government or settle further inland, Japanese who had defected to Choson during the Imjin War, Chinese who were deserters from the Ming military during the Imjin War, and refugees. The final group was Dutch and others. Bohnet then disproved the accepted idea that Chinese foreigners were given higher status, up to the 18th century there was no clear distinction between foreigners of Chinese origin and foreigners of Jurchen and Japanese origin. In fact, while Chinese deserters were often made to feel unwelcome, Jurchens and Japanese were warmly welcomed especially when they had specific skills or roles to play. Professor Kim then asked Professor Bohnet about his translation of “Hyanghwain,” the status of children, and the Chinese foreigners’ jobs as legal specialists. She then asked him some audience questions, which were questions about foreigner women, the maritime Muslims, the geographical distribution, and how this period is thought about now by the South Korean state.

GWIKS Signature Conference: Korean Kinship, Adoption, and Diaspora

On April 23rd, 2021, The George Washington University Institute of Korea Studies (GWIKS) hosted its annual signature conference. The conference was moderated by Roy Richard Grinker, Professor of Anthropology, International Affairs, and Human Sciences at The George Washington University. The distinguished speakers were Todd A. Henry, Associate Professor of History at the University of California San Diego and specialist of modern Korea with a focus on the period of Japanese rule and its postcolonial afterlives, and Eleana Kim, a cultural anthropologist with specializations in kinship, migration, political ecology, STS, and multi-species ethnography. They were followed by Susie Woo, Associate Professor of American Studies at California State University, and Sun Hee Engelstoft, a Korean-born documentary director based in Copenhagen. 

 

Roy Richard Grinker began the event by describing how GWIKS was founded and what its role is now. Eleana Kim opened the event, followed by Dr. Henry. Dr. Susie Woo then gave a presentation entitled “Korean Transnational Adoptions: Historical Contexts” in which she discussed the effect that the US Military Occupation of Korea between 1945 and 1948 had on Korean Transnational adoptions. The U.S. sent military men to spend time with Korean orphans and then took photos and widely publicized them in the U.S. This led to the creation of the rescue narrative surrounding Korean transnational adoptions and the high demand for Korean orphans to adopt. Stories and photos were spread in American media of Korean adoptees adapting to American culture and fitting in easily with their new families. Organizations were formed to help facilitate these adoptions and in 1961, the first permanent US transnational adoption law. More recently, transnational adoptions have declined. Professor Grinker then asked Dr. Woo some questions from the audience. Sun Hee Engelstoft then introduced her film “Forget Me Not,” her first feature-length film about women and girls’ reproduction and adoption processes in South Korea. She described her reasoning for creating the film and her process. Following the film, Ms. Engelstoft discussed her difficulties in creating a film that was related and similar to her own experiences as a Korean adoptee. She explained that she began making this film with the question: how can a mother relinquish her child? The panelists then shared their reactions to the film and asked Ms. Engelstoft questions about it. The event concluded with Dr. Grinker sharing some of the comments from the audience about the film, expressing their gratitude to Ms. Engelstoft for creating such a meaningful piece. 

Multilateral Cooperation in Northeast Asia in the Biden Era

On May 17th, 2021, The George Washington University Institute for Korean Studies (GWIKS) cohosted its third installment of its Korea Policy Forum, “Multilateral Cooperation in Northeast Asia in the Biden Era,” with the East Asia National Resource Center at The George Washington University. The welcoming remarks were given by Jisoo Kim, Director of GWIKS, and Heung-Kyu Kim, Director of U.S.-China Policy Institute at Ajou University. The speakers in Session One on Regional Trade and Energy Cooperation were Kristin Vekasi, Professor of Political Science at the University of Maine, and Youngja Bae, Professor of Political Science at Konkuk University. Speaking next in Session One were Jae-Seung Lee, Dean and Jean Monnet Chair at the Graduate School of International Studies at Korea University, and Jane Nakano, Senior Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Mary Alice Haddad, Professor of Government and Environmental Studies at Wesleyan University, and Gregg A. Brazinsky, Professor of History and International Affairs and Deputy Director of GWIKS. Session Two on Regional Security Cooperation was moderated by Yonho Kim, Associate Director of GWIKS. In Session Two the panelists were Joseph Yun, Senior Advisor at the U.S. Institute of Peace, and Chaesung Chun, Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Seoul National University, Shin-Wha Lee, Professor of Political Science and International Relations and Director of Peace and Democracy at Korea University.

The first section of Session One, moderated by Professor Kim, discussed trade, science, and technology. Professor Vekasi discussed the two routes the Biden administration could go, either by embracing and working towards multilateralism or embracing protectionism and manufacturing key goods in the U.S. She also described the three types of possible multilateral cooperation: mutual interdependence in component manufacturing, risky and complex supply chains, and institutionalization meaning treaties, shared standards, and/or formalization of shared rules across countries. She also flagged that Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the U.S. are all in the process of doing supply chain reviews to look for possible blocks. Professor Bae proposes that the U.S. and Northeast Asian countries set a long-term goal of multilateral technological cooperation to strengthen their innovation capacity rather than focusing on delaying the rise of China. Professor Bae believes that U.S.-led multilateral technological cooperation may not be solid and sustainable if it excludes the Chinese market, one of the largest economies in the world. She hopes that President Biden and President Moon can develop technological cooperation following liberal economic order that guarantees a mutually beneficial relationship. Dr. Jae-Seung Lee and Ms. Nakano then discussed energy and climate change. Dr. Lee spoke about what to expect for the future of the Paris Agreement. He drew similarities between China and the U.S.s’ response to climate change and described them as having problematic performances and playing a blame game. Ms. Nakano believes that there is an opportunity for bilateral cooperation between South Korea and the U.S. to facilitate the energy transition in Northeast Asia. She discussed the similarities between the U.S. and South Korea’s agendas in relation to climate change. Dr. Li expressed his opinion that the U.S. and China are entering a new era of ruthless competition and that they are moving towards a zero-sum game. Dr. Sohn spoke about trade agreements and about the trend of countries using national security as a reason for being more protectionist. Professor Haddad then stressed how important the role of civil society and businesses are in the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. and the U.S. and China. She expects to see a lot of interactions and movements surrounding green finance, climate change, and social justice in the future. Professor Brazinsky then shared his opinion that President Biden’s Asian plan is too traditional and that he is mostly interested in bilateral security agreements directed at China.

Session Two, moderated by Yonho Kim, discussed regional security cooperation. Professor Yun predicted that President Biden and Moon will focus on speaking about their security concerns relating to China, Japan, and North Korea. He also believes that Biden will request that South Korea join the QUAD. Professor Chaesung Chung spoke about new security architecture in South Korea and the U.S. Sung-Han Kim then contrasted President Biden and President Trump’s China policy. He also predicted that President Biden and Moon would talk about North Korea and vaccine distribution at the summit. Shin-Hwa Lee recommended keeping and strengthening the liberal democratic order worldwide and working together to protect against China’s assertive behavior. The panelists then answered audience questions about vaccine and security cooperation and sanctions on North Korea. 

Biden’s North Korea Policy and U.S.-ROK Relations

On May 14th, 2021, The George Washington Institute for Korean Studies (GWIKS), the East Asia National Resource Center at The George Washington University, and The Institute for Far Eastern Studies co-hosted “Biden’s North Korea Policy and U.S.-ROK Relations” as part of the Korea Policy Forum. The event was moderated by Yonhno Kim, Associate Director of the Institute for Korean Studies, with opening remarks by Jisoo Kim, Director of the Institute for Korean Studies, and Kwan-Sei Lee, Director of the Institute for Far Eastern Studies. Ho-Young Ahn, President of The University of North Korean Studies, and Kathleen Stephens, President, and CEO of The Korea Economic Institute of America gave the opening presentation on U.S.-ROK Relations. The second presentation about U.S.-North Korea Relations was given by Frank Jannuzi, President and CEO of The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, and Jung-Chul Lee, Professor at Seoul National University. The final presentation was on Inter-Korean Relations and was given by Yeon-Chul Kim, the Former ROK Minister of Unification, and Celeste Arrington, Korean Foundation Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at The George Washington University. 

Professor Ahn spoke about what he hoped President Biden and President Moon Jae-In would discuss in their upcoming summit. He believes that South Korea should use a strategy of strategic clarity rather than strategic ambiguity. He predicted and encouraged the two countries to discuss Biden’s strategy of diplomacy and strong deterrence in regards to North Korea, geopolitical issues, and how to strengthen the trilateral partnership between South Korea, the U.S., and Japan. He also hoped they would discuss new frontier issues, such as the pandemic, climate change, and technology. Ambassador Stephens urged the U.S. to nurture their alliance with the ROK and to cooperate on issues such as vaccine roll-out, semiconductors, supply chains, and getting North Korea to the negotiating table. Mr. Jannuzi then spoke about what he admires about President Biden’s approach to North Korea as well as what he is wary about. He compared and contrasted Biden’s approach to that of the Obama and Trump administrations. Professor Lee then stressed the importance of President Biden showing a degree of respect towards Kim Jong-Un, rather than immediately referring to him as a threat or a tyrant, because North Korea will not be willing to negotiate in that case. Professor Kim argued it is paramount to build trust between South Korea, the U.S., and North Korea. He also asserted that China must play a key role. He argued that the most immediate negotiations must be about moving towards denuclearization and that humanitarian aid should be sent to North Korea to help with the COVID emergency. Professor Arrington ended the presentation segment by speaking about South Korean domestic politics and about how the priorities and timeline of President Moon Jae may not align with the Biden administrations’, particularly if the voting population is not most concerned about North Korea.

The presentations were followed by a roundtable discussion in which the panelists discussed the following questions: What approach can we expect from President Biden? When and how to resume nuclear negotiations with North Korea? What are the roles China can play? How can we deal with North Korea’s human rights issues? What will be the proactive rather than passive elements of Biden’s North Korea policy? In response, the panelists spoke about how paramount building trust between the three countries is but acknowledged that a high level of trust may not be possible. They also spoke about the importance of denuclearization and protecting citizens’ human rights. They were then asked audience questions about the trilateral relations between South Korea, Japan, and the U.S., as well as a question about what possible solutions to human rights violations in North Korea could be. 

Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea: Between Genealogical Time and the Domestic Everyday

On April 22nd, 2021, the GW Institute for Korean Studies (GWIKS) hosted another Book Talk Series on Chosŏn Korea, Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea: Between Genealogical Time and the Domestic Everyday. The event was moderated by Professor Jisoo Kim, Director of GWIKS, and the speaker was Dr. Ksenia Chizhova, Assistant Professor of Korean Literature and Cultural Studies at Princeton University. In this presentation Ksenia Chizhova introduces her first book Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea. The book is situated at the intersection of the history of emotions, family, and scriptural practices in Korea, from the late eighteenth to the twentieth century. This book talk contextualizes lineage novels and the domestic world in which they were read within the patrilineal transformation of the Chosŏn society and the emergence of elite vernacular Korean culture, patronage by elite women.

Dr. Chizhova started her presentation by narrating the first few sentences of her book. She further added that the rise of the lineage novel was due to the flashing out of Korean Patrilineal Kinship in the 17th century. She also shares more insights into the history of lineage novels, feelings and conflicts of Kinship, and snippets from other Kinship novels. Dr. Chizhova’s presentation was followed by the Q&A session. The moderator, Dr. Kim and the audience submitted a wide range of questions including, the usage of emotions and affect in the context of the Kinship novels, placing of the Korean lineage novels on the early modern Chosŏn context, Dr. Chizhova’s reason for choosing Kinship as the main theme of her research, novels on the lives of husbands and sons, etc.

U.S.-ROK Relations: Challenges and Opportunities under the Biden Administration

On April 26th, 2021, the GW Institute for Korean Studies (GWIKS) hosted the Korea Policy Forum on “U.S.-ROK Relations: Challenges and Opportunities under the Biden Administration”. The event was moderated by Professor Jisoo Kim, Director of GWIKS and, the forum’s speaker was Congressman Andy Kim (D-NJ), a member of the House Armed Services and House Foreign Affairs Committees in the House and former State Department, Pentagon, and White House National Security Council official. Congressman Andy Kim discusses the reshaping of the relationship between the United States and the Republic of Korea (ROK) under the Biden Administration. He further discusses the strategic alliance between the two countries and how it defines a renewed approach towards North Korea, the future policy that shapes the relationship with China, and its far-reaching implications to the regional and global economies.

Congressman Andy Kim began the presentation by sharing his personal experiences and how the changing relationship between the U.S.-ROK reflects upon his family’s three generations. He states that when we look at how to shape the future of the relationship between the two nations, it is important to acknowledge the challenges that lie ahead. He further states that while in the post-COVID world a lot has changed, but for the U.S. and South Korea, the threat of an unstable and aggressive North Korea armed with nuclear weapons remains a constant. He also shares his insights on the upcoming meeting between President Moon and President Biden. Congressman Andy Kim’s presentation was followed by a Q&A session. The audience submitted a wide range of questions, including what the general perception of North Korea is in the Congress and how supportive they would be of a nuclear deal with North Korea, the United States’ approach towards the unstable relationship between the U.S-ROK due to the historical and territorial issues, views on how historical revisionism in Japan endangers U.S. security, Congressman Andy Kim’s views on the outcomes of the upcoming visit of President Moon to the United States, etc.

The 1st Annual Conference of GW-IU Undergraduate Research Exchange Program

On April 20, 2019, the 1st Annual Conference of GW-IU Undergraduate Research Exchange Program was held at Cloyd Heck Marvin Center of the George Washington University. Five students from the George Washington University presented papers based on their original research.

Event Program

Event Photo

Tanvi Banerjee

Namaste Hallyu or Annyeong Gong-ju? Public Diplomacy and India – South Korea Relations

The article examines the development and impact of South Korea’s two-pronged public diplomacy approach in India, which includes (1) promotion of Hallyu and (2) cultivating the narrative about Queen Heo. In spite of the growing diplomatic bonhomie between India and South Korea, barriers to South Korean cultural influence on Indian audiences remain. The paper argues that South Korea uses its two-pronged public diplomacy approach to overcome these socio-cultural barriers to its cultural influence in India.  South Korea attempts to address a limited Indian audience for its cultural exports through Hallyu and uses narratives about Queen Heo to counter Indians’ apathy and unawareness about South Korea. Drawing upon English language sources —including peer-reviewed articles, newspapers, and government data — this paper evaluates South Korean public diplomacy strategies in India between January 2000 and February 2019. Regionally, the popularity of Hallyu in India is concentrated in the Northeastern states of India, whereas the Queen Heo narrative has generated considerable attention in states with a majority Hindu population. However, an analysis of diverse data sources including Google Trends, speeches of Indian leaders, and secondary scholarly sources reveals that South Korean public diplomacy approaches have a limited impact on the overall strategic partnership between India and South Korea. Instead, pressing geopolitical concerns such as a powerful China and economic considerations continue to dominate India and South Korea’s diplomatic relations. Given the recent maturation of Indo-South Korean relations though, India proves to be an interesting litmus test for South Korean public diplomacy.

R. Maxwell Bone

Uganda-DPRK Relations: From 1972 to 2019

The Republic of Uganda is a country located in Central Africa that is landlocked but is at the strategic intersection of multiple regions. While Uganda is not a country that is often examined regarding cooperation with North Korea, the two countries have enjoyed a long, and detailed partnership. The first recorded record of a partnership between the two countries comes form 1972, when a Ugandan delegation attended a military padre in Pyongyang. Since then, the relationship between the two countries has deepened, and survived three changes of regime in Uganda. At first, the cooperation between the two countries was mainly in the form of military exchanges, but has since evolved to include public health, education, among other fields. Notably, Uganda has not ceased its cooperation with the DPRK despite its pledges to do so in multiple international forums. It is likely the relationship will continue, regardless of international pressure.

R. Maxwell Bone’s findings were published on October 30, 2019 on The Diplomat, “Uganda: North Korea’s African Ally”

Henry Huang Haoyu

The Wake of the Tiger: Change of the Chinese-Korean Tribute System over Time

In the history of Korean International Relations, one of the most important facts that no one should ignore is Sadae. Sadae was the guiding Korean diplomatic policy of Chosun Dynasty since the beginning.  However, with the changing of international relations, declining power of China, and the rise of Japan in 1860s and 1870s, the government of Korea divided.  A group of elites wanted to still maintain in the Chinese tribute system while the other group seeks a closer relationship between Japan.  In this essay, the author will discuss the changing of the tribute system between China and Korea.  In author’s opinion, Sadae should be considered as a policy to maintain Korea’s existence rather than the absolute obeying to Chinese power.  The core of Sadae, looking back to Mencius’ perspective is always, “fear the Majesty of Heaven, and will thus preserve its favouring decree.”[1]  Sadae may not directly used as words in official Korean historical documents to refer to the relationship between Korea and the outside powers, but there are traces of  Sadae influencing Korean diplomatic policy towards outside world, particularly Japan and Russia, in the late Choson Dynasty.

[1] https://ctext.org/mengzi/liang-hui-wang-ii/ens

Deanna Reyes-Guerra

Recent Rise of Anti-Zainichi Sentimentality in Japan

The Zainichi Koreans are one of the most well-known minority groups facing oppression in Japan, yet recent years have shown an increasingly positive relationship between the Zainichi Korean community and a majority of Japanese society. However, even in the face of advancements toward a more unified society, there has also been an increase in anti-Zainichi sentiments made possible through an association known as the Zaitokukai and cyber right-wingers, known as netto-uyoku, who use internet forums to spread false narratives about the Zainichi community. This paper follows the activities and the methodologies used by these groups to further ostracize the Zainichi and other minority groups. The paper will define who makes up the Zainichi community, past events that have led to the led to the current situation, an explanation of who the Zaitokukai are, the message the Zaitokukai are promoting, the North-Korean spy image that often accompanies the message, and an evaluation of the use of the internet as a vehicle for these false narratives supported by the Zaitokukai.

Tina Yiting Wang

Capitalized Mind, Cosmeticized Body

Body modification has existed since the beginning of human history. Cosmetic surgery is a contemporary form of body modification. In this essay, I argue that under capitalism and neoliberalism systems in South Korea, cosmetic surgery is affecting the body in two ways simultaneously. On the one hand, the body is reduced to an object, while on the other hand the body is empowered for economic achievements and social mobility. To approach the topic, first, I will provide historical beauty ideals in Korea and East Asia, to show that cosmetic surgery beauty ideals are contemporary norms. Then, I will discuss how the Korean society is influenced by collectivism, capitalism and neoliberalism, and assess different perceptions of the body throughout the three phases. After that, I will provide a film analysis of 200 Pounds Beauty (2006) through a concept called capital identity projection, to further demonstrate that cosmeticized body is both self-objectification and self-empowerment.

2018 Signature Conference Panel IV: “Shaping Rights for New and Non-Citizens”

Panel IV: “Shaping Rights for New and Non-Citizens”

 

“The Rights of Non-Citizenship: Migrant Hierarchies in South Korea”

Erin Aeran Chung, Johns Hopkins University

Instead of a “sharp distinction between citizen and non-citizen,” postwar immigration has contributed to the development of “a continuum of rights attached to membership of a state,” as Zig Layton-Henry noted in a seminal essay. Far from the ideal of universal citizenship, this model encompasses specific rights associated with different levels of membership among citizens and noncitizens. In countries where noncitizens range from migrant laborers with almost no rights to native-born foreign residents who are generations removed from their immigrant ancestry, visa categories are critical determinants of a migrant’s eligibility for state-sponsored rights and services. This paper will examine how the growth of multiple visa categories created to accommodate labor shortages within South Korea’s restrictive immigration regime has led to the development of noncitizen hierarchies that have become the basis for how migrants relate to the state, mobilize themselves, and voice their collective interests.

 

“Human Rights, Contested Citizenship, and Diasporic Development: Explaining Global Policies toward North Korean Refugee Resettlement”

Sheena Chestnut Greitens, University of Missouri

Most North Korean refugees and defectors live in South Korea. In the past decade, however, a growing number have sought to move beyond the Korean peninsula, resettling instead in North America, Europe, and other locations around the world. This presentation examines the factors that have contributed to the emergence of this new, global North Korean diaspora. It contends that contestation over conceptions of citizenship, at both the level of the individual and the level of government policy, have collectively shaped the migration and resettlement of North Korean defectors and refugees over time and across geographic space. These changes in resettlement patterns, in turn, have significant implications not only for the human security of individuals and families from North Korea, but for global policy toward the DPRK.

 

“How North Koreans Understand the Rights and Responsibilities of Democratic Citizenship: Implications for Political Integration”

Aram Hur, New York University

How do North Korean defectors adapt to democracy, and to what effect on democratic citizenship in the host state? I focus on a formative and likely critical step in the process: how such individuals make sense of their newfound democratic rights and responsibilities. I examine how recent North Korean defectors in South Korea understand and talk about democratic citizenship. Discourse analysis of 31 personal narratives and 20 paired debates reveals a counterintuitive phenomenon. Most defectors hold a deeply communal, nationalist script socialized in the authoritarian North. For those who strongly identify with South Koreans, this communitarian approach is extended toward South Korea, framing new democratic roles as a matter of duty. Those with weak identification rely on a heavily contractual, rights-based approach instead. The findings highlight national identification as an important driver of political integration and show how a common aspect of authoritarian socialization surprisingly shapes the contours of democratic citizenship in host states.

 

Panel IV Discussion

In response to Panel IV: “Shaping Rights for New and Non-Citizens,” discussant Hae Yeon Choo offered comments on each of the papers about the rights of migrants in Korea. She wanted to make sure that the participants were informed about the normative assumptions involved that build on binaries about citizenship, and how to critically interrogate these as well as identify the institutional mechanisms that enact them. Erin Chung agreed with the discussant, and added that she would include a focus on agency to incorporate the notion of duty among the citizens and noncitizens of her survey. Sheena Greitens stated in agreement that it is important to overcome the normative assumptions about human rights refugees when studying their cases. Finally, Aram Hur acknowledged the importance of the explanatory power of subjective identifications of the interviewees, and agreed to distinguish between the archetypal manifestations of her “neat” categories of citizenship.